American Post-Conflict Educational Reform: From the by Noah W. Sobe (eds.)

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Worcester photographic collection of the Philippines, 1890–1913 (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan, 1998); Kramer, Blood of Government, 183–184. 51. Annual Reports of the Department of the Interior. Report of the Commissioner of Education. 1898–99, 1595–1638. 52. 1897–98 Report. vol. 1, XLII. 53. As quoted in May, Social Engineering, 10. 54. As quoted in Gates, Schoolbooks and Krags, 114. 55. As quoted in Kramer, Blood of Government, 111. ) 56. Kramer, Blood of Government, 112. 57. Miller, Benevolent Assimilation, 195.

Clergy also operated 67 Latin grammar schools, most on the island of Luzon, as well as normal schools and academies. Just as in the United States, race hierarchy played a key role within the Spanish regime in the Philippines, with people of Spanish and “mixed-blood” enjoying the privileges of power, and access to higher education. In terms of mass education, Spanish law required single-sex primary schools for boys and girls in all towns with a population of at least 5,000 inhabitants, and three in towns of 10,000.

Whether or not American intentions were benevolent, (and in many cases they were), it was benevolence of an unfortunate sort that defined power in a cultural construct that justified violence against resistance while at the same time exonerating the powerful from accountability for genuine power sharing or social reform. Notes 1. Norbert Kilian, “New Wine in Old Skins? American Definitions of Empire and the Emergence of a New Concept,” in Theories of Empire 1450–1800, ed. David Armitage (Brookfield, VT: Ashgate Publishing, 1998), 307–324.

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